NoSSN - HAPPY CO-DEPENDENCE DAY!

HAPPY CO-DEPENDENCE DAY!
-- by Gordon Phillips
July 5, 2002

A.L.E.R.T. (A.merica L.aw E.ducation R.ights & T.axation)

Thursday, July 07, 2002

Patrick Henry's famous 'liberty or death' speech is perhaps the most
stirring example of the original American commitment to individual
liberty. However, the story behind Henry's passionate oration is largely
untold.

As a young Christian lawyer riding into Culpepper, Virginia in March of
1775, Patrick Henry had witnessed the brutal public flogging of a
preacher. Tied to a whipping post in the middle of the town square, the
preacher's back laid bloody and bare with the bones of his ribs showing.
He had been scourged mercilessly like Jesus, with a leather whip laced
with metal.

What heinous crime, what foul act had this man committed to deserve such
barbarous torture? He was one of twelve who were locked in jail because
they refused to take a license from the Crown. Three days later, the
martyred minister was again flogged -- this time, to death.

This was the incident which sparked Patrick Henry to write the famous
words which later ignited the Revolution: 'What is it that Gentlemen wish?
What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be
purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I
know no what course others may take, but as for me, give me liberty or
give me death!' He later made this a part of his famous speech which he
delivered at Saint John's Episcopal Church in Williamsburg, Virginia.

Those who today apply for a marriage license, driver's license, fishing
license, hunting license, occupational license, building permit, ad
nauseam, would be well served to ponder the ramifications of their
voluntary act.

Would that same executed preacher, were he alive today, rush to apply for
a 501(c)(3) 'exemption' from the IRS? How many churchgoers today are
prepared to pay the price of true liberty when it's easier to just pass
the plate and 'write it off' next April 15th?

When we contemplate the raw sacrifices made by so many of our nation's
forebears, we are reminded that Patrick Henry did NOT exclaim 'Give me
liberty, or give me benefits!'. It is remarkable how little the founders
expected from the government they forged.

Yet with over 100 million Americans currently receiving -- or living in
the expectation of one day receiving -- Social Security, Medicare,
Medicaid, food stamps, welfare vouchers, subsidized housing, free cheese
and other Marxist forms of congressional welfarism, I think it only fair
to call the 4th of July by its proper term: 'Co-Dependence Day'.

Below is the full transcript of the great orator's legendary speech,
followed by the observations of John Roane who was present and had the
great pleasure of watching Patrick Henry deliver it. If Roane's remarks
don't give you a lump in your throat, I don't know what will.

***

GIVE ME LIBERTY OR GIVE ME DEATH -- by Patrick Henry, March 23, 1775

'No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as the
abilities of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the house.
But different men often see the same subject in different lights, and,
therefore, I hope it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen,
if, entertaining as I do, opinions of a character very opposite to theirs,
I should speak forth my sentiments freely, and without reserve.

'This is no time for ceremony. The question before the house is one of
awful moment to this country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a
time, through fear of giving offense, I should consider myself as guilty
of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty toward the
majesty of heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings.

'Mister President, it is natural for man to indulge in the illusions of
hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth - and listen to
the song of that siren, till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the
part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are
we disposed to be of the number of those, who having eyes, see not, and
having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal
salvation?

'For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know
the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it. I have but one
lamp by which my feet are guided; and that is the lamp of experience. I
know of no way of judging the future but by the past. And judging by the
past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British
ministry for the last ten years, to justify those hopes with which
gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the house?

'Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately
received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer
not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this
gracious reception of our petition comports with those warlike
preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and
armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown
ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to
win back our love?

'Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and
subjugation - the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen,
sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to
submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has
Great Britain any enemy in this quarter of the world, to call for all this
accumulation of navies and armies? No sir, she has none. They are meant
for us; they can almost be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind
and rivet upon us those chains, which the British ministry have been so
long forging. And what have we to oppose them?

'Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten
years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have
held the subject up in every light of which it was capable; but it has
been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication?
What terms shall we find that we have not already exhausted? Let us not, I
beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves longer.

'Sir, we have done every thing that could be done, to avert the storm
which is now coming on. We have petitioned - we have remonstrated - we
have supplicated - we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and
have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the
ministry and parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our
remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our
supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with
contempt, from the foot of the throne.

'In vain, after these things, we may indulge the fond hope of peace and
reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be
free - if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for
which we have been so long contending - if we mean not basely to abandon
the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we
have pledged ourselves never to abandon, until the glorious object of our
contest shall be obtained - we must fight! - I repeat, sir, we must fight!
An appeal to arms and to the God of Hosts is all that is left us!

'They tell us, sir, that we are weak - unable to cope with so formidable
an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be next week or the
next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British
guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by
irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual
resistance by lying supinely on our backs, and hugging the delusive
phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot?

'Sir, we are not weak, if we make a proper use of those means the God of
Nature hath placed in our power. Three millions of people armed in the
holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are
invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir,
we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides
over the destinies of nations; and who will raise up friends to fight our
battles for us.

'The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the
active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we are base
enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There
is no retreat, but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged. Their
clanking may heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable - and
let it come! I repeat, sir, let it come! It is in vain, sir to extenuate
the matter.

'Gentlemen may cry, peace, peace - but there is no peace. The war is
actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our
ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field!
Why stand we here idle? What is it the gentlemen wish? What would they
have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price
of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God - I know not what course
others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!'

Observations of John Roane who was present and witnessed the speech:

'You remember, sir, the conclusion of the speech, so often declaimed in
various ways by schoolboys, 'Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be
purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it Almighty God! I
know not what course others may take, but as for me, give me liberty, or
give me death!'

'He gave each of these words a meaning which is not conveyed by the
reading or delivery of them in the ordinary way. When he said, 'Is live so
dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and
slavery?' he stood in the attitude of a condemned galley slave, loaded
with fetters, awaiting his doom. His form was bowed; his wrists were
crossed; his manacles were almost visible as he stood like an embodiment
of helplessness and agony.

'After a solemn pause, he raised his eyes and chained hands towards
heaven, and prayed, in words and tones which thrilled every heart, 'Forbid
it Almighty God!' He then turned towards the timid loyalists of the house,
who were quaking with terror at the idea of the consequences of
participating in proceedings which would be visited with the penalties of
treason by the British crown; and he slowly bent his form yet nearer to
earth, and said, 'I know not what course others may take,' and he
accompanied the words with his hands still crossed, while he seemed to be
weighted down with additional chains. The man appeared transformed into an
oppressed, heart-broken, and hopeless felon.

'After remaining in this posture of humiliation long enough to impress the
imagination with the condition of the colony under the iron heel of
military despotism, he arose proudly, and exclaimed, 'but as for me,' --
and the words hissed through his clenched teeth, while his body was thrown
back, and every muscle and tendon was strained against the fetters which
bound him, and, with his countenance distorted by agony and rage, he
looked for a moment like Lacoon in a death struggle with coiling serpents;
then the loud clear, triumphant notes, 'give me liberty' electrified the
assembly.

'It was not a prayer, but a stern demand, which would submit to no refusal
or delay. The sound of his voice, as he spoke these memorable words, was
like that of a Spartan paean on the Field of Plataea, and, as each
syllable of the word 'liberty' echoed through the building, his fetters
were shivered; his arms were hurled apart, and the links of his chains
were scattered to the winds.

'When he spoke the word 'liberty' with an emphasis never given it before,
his hands were open, and his arms elevated and extended; his countenance
was radiant; he stood erect and defiant; while the sound of his voice and
the sublimity of his attitude made him appear a magnificent incarnation of
Freedom, and express all that can be acquired or enjoyed by nations and
individuals invincible and free.

'After a momentary pause, only long enough to permit the echo of the word
'liberty' to cease, he let his left hand fall powerless to his side, and
clenched his right hand firmly, as if holding a dagger with the point
aimed at his breast. He stood like a Roman senator defying Caesar, while
the unconquerable spirit of Cato of Utica flashed from every feature, and
he closed the grand appeal with the solemn words, 'or give me death!'
which sounded with the awful cadence of a hero's dirge, fearless of death,
and victorious in death, and he suited the action to the word by a blow
upon the left breast with the right hand, which seemed to drive the dagger
to the patriot's heart.'

###

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